The five key principles of Gujral Doctrine were as follows:

♤ With neighbours viz. Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, India must not ask for reciprocity, but should give all that it can in good faith and trust.

♤ No South Asian country would allow its territory to be used against the interest of another country

♤ No country would interfere in the internal affairs of another.

♤ South Asian Countries should respect each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty

♤ Countries of South Asia must settle all their disputes through peaceful bilateral negotiations.

However, for most part in the 1990s the relations with Pakistan remained contentious. This was majorly on account Pakistan’s role in the armed insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir since December 1989. With the outbreak of the insurgency Pakistan’s leadership helped transform a largely internal militancy into an ideologically charged proxy war. In this context and in view of the clandestine nuclear programme of Islamabad concerns regarding conventional military balance played large on India’s security calculations.

Coupled with the Pakistan factor, the calculation from nuclear threat posed by China drove India’s nuclear weapons program to its next stage. In this scenario, the successful extension of NPT in 1995 and the efforts by United States to complete the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), which came up in 1996, coincided with India seriously considering its nuclear options. Thus, the Indian policymakers chose to exercise the nuclear option to thwart rising pressures to accede to the international nuclear regimes. India declared itself a fully fledged nuclear state after 5 nuclear tests at Pokharan in May 1998. This attracted sanctions from United States and the other great powers; and led to the recognition of India as a de facto nuclear power in the later years.

2.3.1. Beginning of A New Era

This was also the beginning of an era of new engagement with the United States, which involved bilateral negotiations between US Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott and India’s Minister of External Affairs Jaswant Singh (1998-2000). This was followed by a visit of President Clinton to India in 2000. The upswing in these relations since this period culminated in the Civil Nuclear Deal of 2005 which de-facto recognized India as a nuclear power as well as

its responsible record on non-proliferation, thus paving way for an the beginning of the end to its isolation at technology regimes such as the Multilateral Export Control Regimes (MECR).

Under Prime Minster Atal Bihari Vajpayee diplomacy with Pakistan, including a Bus trip involving the Prime Minister across the Border in 1999, could not yield much results. The Lahore declaration of February 1999 was followed by incursion in the Kargil region in Jammu and Kashmir. This led to a limited war between the two nuclear states in 1999. Despite this provocation India exercised remarkable restraint and a large-scale war was effectively avoided. Significantly, Washington sojourn of Pakistan’s then Prime Minister Nawaz Shariff was marked by considerable coldness. This perhaps was the sign coming changes in the relation between India, United States and Pakistan.

Terrorism which had been a key challenge for India became a key issue in global politics after the cold war and especially since the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in New York. In the aftermath of the terrorist attack on the Indian parliament in December 2001 India resorted to a strategy of coercive diplomacy which yielded limited results. India’s coercive options against the terror ploy were limited, as nuclear capability of Pakistan meant greater possibility of a conflict escalating into a nuclear one and thus inviting the United States to intervene. Thus, India has been seeking recognition of terrorism as a global scourge which requires a concerted action by the international community. To this end India has been pursuing the Comprehensive Convention Against International Terrorism at the United Nations since 1996, although without much success due to difference in the international community. Nonetheless, the 2008 attacks in Mumbai, though a tragic occasion, demonstrated a greater isolation of Pakistan and allowed for closer anti-terrorism cooperation between India and the United States.

The changes in the international scenario presented certain choices in front of India and as a response multiple changes were made. Nonetheless, its commitment to inclusive development and a just world order remain a continuous facet of its policy. For instance, at the WTO negotiations, especially in the Doha development round, India has spearheaded the concerns of the developing countries, the Doha declaration of 2001 is testimony to the values that India still holds in the international sphere. Similarly, India, while upholding its national interests, has not shied away from upholding the principles of equity and responsibility, as reflected in its role in the Climate negotiations. Here too India has not shied away from forming a loose coalition with like minded nations as Brazil, South Africa, and China (BASIC).

The economic profile of India ever since 1991 along with, it’s educated manpower, military and technological prowess have acquired greater recognition. These factors have led India being labelled as emerging power and a potential great power. During the global economic crisis of 2008, India played an important role in global negotiations through mediums such as the G-20. Nonetheless, its quest for reforms at the United Nations, along with the Group of 4, has not born results. Even so, through groupings such as BRICS India has expressed its intention to reshape the global order through multilateral efforts.

These objectives, challenges, and opportunities have continued to shape foreign policymaking in India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi since 2014. Thus, in the recent years neighbourhood has acquired new salience, so have multiple engagements with key states in international relations. India’s membership of the Missile Technology Control Regime (2016), Wassenaar Arrangement (2017) and Australia Group (2018) are certain achievements of the recent years; however, the membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group remains a challenge to contend with.